Amman – Al-Quds Al-Arabi: Any malicious expert or visitor who listens to the Jordanian Prime Minister, Dr. Bishr Al-Khasawneh, regarding the file of the Palestinian issue specifically and for weeks or months ago, then comes to a conclusion regarding the definition and determination of how the Jordanian institution thinks when it comes to the balance of interests and constants, as well as the balance of forces and facts on the ground, and with it the limits of maneuver.
Dr. Al-Khasawneh does not decide from the void or from the air when it comes to files on Jordan’s relations with the Palestinian cause and with the Israelis, and there is no room for claiming contextual and off-text analysis. Because the prime minister who today is fiercely attacked by the rhetoric of the Israeli right is an outdated diplomat, rather one of the leading experts on the file of the conflict between the elites of the establishment.
What the public is unlikely to know is that Al-Khasawneh, based on his previous position and for two years before assuming the post of prime minister as director of King Abdullah II’s office, was one of the direct advanced elements and direct. -facial clash in some details between the symbols of the administration of former US President Donald Trump.
Oman rejected a “specific request” from Naftali Bennett
The issue here included a lively and famous discussion with Jared Kushner, meetings held with the National Security Adviser during the Trump era, and all the details of the so-called Agreement of the Century. Based on this, it can be understood that the violent and right-wing Israeli campaign against Jordan and its prime minister may not be related exclusively to Khasawneh’s last speech, as much as it has to do with Jordan’s accumulated feeling in general that the Israeli right has entered the phase of “hostile planning”.
In any case, approaching Al-Khasawneh in any dialogue or discussion may mean approaching some of what the Jordanian state considers or Jordanian decision-making cuisine typically considers as red lines, or what can be addressed within the framework of flexible lines, and different. and occasional maneuvering margins, which I tested directly at several Al-Quds Al-Arabi stations.
Jordanian political and even security cuisine reads “reality” as it is and without illusions, especially after “Trumpism” and “Abrahams”. Here, I have heard Al-Quds Al-Arabi twice Al-Khasawneh emphasizing that his country’s calculations are not based on “illusions”.
In detail, the belief is widespread that the Naftal government initially demonstrated a government that was on the verge of collapse, and is a fragile government, and investing in and with it, whether responding and responding, whether with the opposition and confrontation, is an investment. which may not involve political wisdom, prudence, and rationality, and may not lead to conclusions and conclusions regardless of the manner, circumstance, time and place of engagement, and theme.
The government managed its relations with Naftal’s staff on this basis, which is why it practically prevented the Jordanians from responding to what that hardline government twice demanded; For the first time, pressure on Amman to put pressure on Palestinian resistance factions, particularly Hamas, to stay in areas of calm.
Here, in particular, Oman refused to play any role and pointed the finger at the Egyptians, as they are the exclusive agents to talk to Hamas, but when the Negev meeting was held in virtually the same background and took on Abrahamic character. and form, Oman decided to go in the direction of President Mahmoud Abbas when he was visited by King Abdullah II. Parallel chronologically to the Negev meeting, which Aman boycotted.
In the second Jordanian apology, there are clear words that there is no will as long as Naftali Bennett’s government is working towards reviving and reviving the spatial and temporal division plan in Al-Aqsa Mosque for any help to enable the coalition to stay determined. . It is no longer a secret among the Jordanian elite that Aman refused to give any advice, request or advice, neither from the Islamic List MK Mansour Abbas and his three companions, nor from the Arab members of the Knesset who are friends of Aman.
On a parallel front, it can be clearly stated that the demarcation that Prime Minister al-Khasawneh clearly acknowledges defines vital areas for any Jordanian flexibility or tactics in handling facts on the ground.
Obedience, even in its deepest state, has its roots in two very important issues. The first says that Israeli society itself is moving to the right. The second says that Israelis of the hard and religious line at its roots, and therefore hostile to Jordan’s interests and the belief that Palestine should establish its own state in Transjordan, are now infiltrating a clear systematic process in the security entities and Israeli military, whether in IDF departments at the level of planning, strategies, heads of sectors and regions, or in the Israeli institution “Shin Bet”, while only Mossad remained free from right-wing extremist origin and a Jordanian is classified as still a secular apparatus.
This assessment was included in the documents read at the sovereign consultation meetings. However, in approach, the impressions are clear that what Jordan can take in terms of decisions, interactions and attitudes does not necessarily have to be similar to the attitudes of Egypt or even some Gulf countries.
Gulf countries like Bahrain and the United Arab Emirates are far from geography, and there are a minority of Palestinians and they are deprived despite the warm Abrahamic relations of the strategic weight that the map of geography represents.From the Israeli issue itself and the same criteria there are many likely to apply to a country like Morocco that goes in specific directions in normalization but remains geographically far away.
“Investing in the letter of resistance”
In Egypt, the situation is different, according to the Jordanian domestic assessment; Egypt is a big country and decided to invest in the Palestinian resistance card and the Gaza Strip only as it is its vital area. This issue was left to them and the popular and political weight of Egypt allowed it to maneuver and think, thing that it is not. allowed in the Jordanian case, either because of the geographical proximity that plays a major role in the details, or because of the economic and human capabilities of the Jordanian state, and most importantly as a third element; Due to the presence of a large majority of the Jordanian population and the Jordanian people of Palestinian origin.
It is a situation that no government can ignore, in the sense that the Palestinian issue, with all its emotional and political details, relates to the deep national and national security of the Jordanians because of the demographics and on the basis of the belief that the Palestinian Jordan that was born in Jordan close to the geography of Palestine has different specifics and standards from the generations of Palestinians who were born in exile, whether in Europe, America, or even in some countries of the Arabian Gulf.